The Establishment Clause (1st
amendment)—which the authors Gellman and Looper-Friedman suggest is “in
flux”—directly and in a consistent manner addresses the “equality problem” that
results from government religious expression, without the need for the Equal
Protection Clause (14th amendment). The authors claim
that the 1st amendment can
lend itself to the reading that only “establishment of a state religion” or
“actual coercion of nonadherents to practice…a particular religion” would
violate the Establishment Clause, making most cases of government religious
expression constitutional (Gellman, Looper-Friedman 676). Yet in the
primary court case referenced by the authors (Van Orden v. Perry), the erection of a monolith depicting the 10
Commandments in front of a government building was defended not on account of a
narrow interpretation of the Establishment Clause, but through an examination
of the context surrounding the case. In his concurring opinion, Chief Justice
Rehnquist noted that the monument was paid for and presented to the state by an
international non-profit, making the state’s action simply the “passive”
display of the contents of a souvenir, not the active promotion of a particular
religion, nor expression of preference for any one belief (Rehnquist 3).
The authors point out that the Establishment Clause is not directly invoked
in cases where the plaintiff challenges government religious expression for its
“marginalization effect” upon members of a minority defined by religion, which
the Equal Protection Clause prohibits on the grounds of religious
discrimination (Gellman, Looper-Friedman 702-703). In the McCreary County v. ACLU case, however,
the Supreme Court struck down a Kentucky courthouse’s display of the Ten
Commandments specifically because it “identified nonadherents as outsiders”
(O’Connor 3). By exhibiting the religious document as part of a “Foundations of
American Law and Government Display,” the government demonstrated a clear bias
toward Christianity, and the potential for marginalization of nonadherents was
recognized and accordingly prohibited under the 1st Amendment. (The
disparity in Van Orden and McCreary decisions
should not be seen as a sign of the “unpredictability” of the 1st
amendment, but as resulting from the nuances in the situations surrounding the
cases.)
Gellman and Looper-Friedman’s main
argument, that the Equal Protection Clause should be applied as the primary
tool to protect religious minorities from marginalization is, in itself, a
risky and unpredictable endeavor. In order for one to claim injury from
government religious expression (under the Equal Protection Clause), the plaintiff must only be “a member of the
community in which a religious display is exhibited,” and the “injury…need not
be tangible or quantifiable,” potentially causing unproductive legal disputes
among non-marginalized groups (Gellman, Looper-Friedman 723). While the
Establishment Clause protects an equality interest similar to that of the Equal
Protection Clause, this concept is applied within the already-established
framework of the 1st amendment, while invocation of the Equal
Protection Clause could lead to the above-mentioned complications. The jurisdiction
of the Establishment Clause, with its inherent protection of an equality interest,
entails strict scrutiny of government religious expression, and need not be
compromised by application of the Equal Protection Clause.
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