The use of “religion” as a distinct category of
contemporary human rights instruments has raised several significant
objections, concerning the nature of religious rights and the possibility for
religion to be incorporated into the pre-existing legal structures protecting
the rights guaranteed to every person.
Sullivan disputes the granting of specific legal protection
to religious beliefs, sects, and practices for the purpose of defending
religious rights, for she claims that this arrangement demands a formal and
ultimately exclusive definition of the concept of religion. In order to protect
religious rights, the US government in the past has drawn a clear line between
institutionalized religion, and informal cultural practices. This boundary—which
Sullivan considers a tenuous divide—separates “high religion” (that which is
mandated by religious law and outlined in religious texts) from “low religion”
(cultural practices that develop without legal backing), and “lawful” practices
from “unlawful” ones, as interpreted under legal rights instruments (Sullivan
146). The author responds to this division by referencing the Warner v. Boca
Raton case (2004), in which the plaintiffs’ religious activities,
rooted not in “high religion” but their family traditions, were dismissed by
the court as a matter of personal preference. As Sullivan suggests, the court’s
continuing failure to acknowledge the “lived,” transient, and local nature
which characterizes the majority of religious practices in the US led to its
denying legal protection to a noninstitutionalized but completely valid
tradition, violating the constitutional guarantees of religious equality and
freedom (143). Even if the government attempted to expand the definition of
religion to include “all self-described religiously motivated behavior,” this
would lead to the preference of those who claim to be so-motivated over
professed nonbelievers, shifting but not eliminating religion-based social
distinctions (151). As the specific legal protection of religious rights leads
to discriminatory classification on religious grounds and the subversion of the
fundamental rights to religious equality and freedom, Sullivan urges for the
removal of religion as a distinct category of human rights.
Gellman and Friedman similarly oppose the independent
establishment of religious rights by raising concerns that the protection of these
rights as a separate category in legal instruments does not prevent government
alignment with a single religion. The authors provide countless cases in which
government religious expression created a “marginalization effect” toward
minorities in the US, through “the unspoken message to the majority Christians
that they were the real Americans” (Gellman,Friedman 671). Gellman and
Friedman’s proposal that the Equal Protection Clause, as the main tool used in
most cases of human rights violations, be applied to religious rights clarifies
their belief that this separation of religious rights from other rights is
responsible for legal and administrative problems associated with religious
rights law. They offer the aforementioned solution as a means of not only
categorizing religious rights within the broader framework of rights, but also
eliminating the occurrence of minority exclusion due to government religious
expression.
While the above authors raise two significant objections to
the current establishment of religion as a distinct category of religious
instruments, I will now focus on a few assumptions they make which undermine
the strength of their arguments. Sullivan bases her concern as to the
inherently discriminatory nature of religious rights laws on the belief that
religious rights instruments encompass religion from a holistic standpoint.
Gellman and Friedman, on the other hand, treat as a fact the parallelism
between religious rights and other basic rights, and cite a limited number of
factors as proof of the insufficiency of relevant legislation.
In her paper, Sullivan takes note of a unique quality of
religion, stating that “to be religious is...to live without a certain
amount of freedom...not to be free, but to be faithful” (Sullivan 156). This
sometimes antagonistic relationship between religion and freedom sets religious
rights apart from fundamental human rights such as the right of freedom of
speech, movement, or association. Religious rights can also be distinguished
from rights concerning race, gender, economic and ethnic background due to the
element of choice contained within religion (choosing which religion, or none,
to follow). Because of this difference, the fundamental human rights of freedom
of belief and freedom to change one’s religion (UDHR Article 18) are only
protected under the jurisdiction of religious rights. Therefore, it is
imperative that these rights are acknowledged as universal rights, and placed in
a separate category tailored to the unique characteristics of religion.
Under the framework of human rights, religious rights do
not necessarily encompass the entirety of the concept of religion. In fact,
they encircle only the social elements of religion which affect the society at
large or the interactions between and among adherents and nonadherents of a
particular faith. The narrow scope and society-based focus of religious rights
are characteristics shared by all human rights; this can be seen in international
human rights instruments such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Declaration on Intolerance and
Discrimination based on Religion, which make mention of the “spirit of
brotherhood” that should exist between all persons and the freedom to “manifest
[one’s] religion… individually or in community with others,” respectively. It
is important to note that the individual religious rights referenced in the
latter document do not contradict the observed social quality of human rights, as
they imply the rights of an individual facing the community. Due to their
social focus, all human rights necessarily possess limitations intended to
prevent, for instance, disruption of public health, order, and morals (UDHR Article
27). The restrictions to the definition of religion that Sullivan references
should be regarded as necessary aspects of human rights and their societal
focus, and not justify the removal of these rights from a human rights context.
If it is accepted that religious rights address religion’s
social aspects, it can be deduced that these rights are influenced by the
societal environment and the beliefs that a community holds at a particular
time. Due to the changeability of these elements, it is difficult to analyze
cases of religious rights from the past as Gellman and Friedman have done, for
this is to observe them out of their social context. The authors refer to the
contrasting opinions in two similar court cases addressing religious expression
rights (McCreary and Van Orden) as proof that religious rights
are “in flux” (Gellman,Friedman 665). Yet this “fluctuation” should not be seen
as a sign of the ineffectiveness of religious rights legislation to
comprehensively address this category of human rights, as Gellman and Friedman
suggest, nor as an indication of the nebulous quality of religious rights, as
Sullivan suggests. Instead, the Supreme Court justices cited the differing
social context and situation surrounding each case to justify their final
decisions, verifying the close connection between this category of rights and
the societal ambiance. The dissimilarity of religious rights from basic rights
and rights regarding gender, race, et cetera, invalidates the proposal to place
religious rights within other rights categories, and illustrates the need for
the grouping of these rights under a third class of human rights.
Religious rights
comprehensively address the social aspect of religion and are contingent on the
contemporary social environment, as befit formal human rights. Due to their
dissimilarity to other rights categories and importance to the rights discussion,
religious rights must continue to be enshrined as one of the most important
categories in legal rights instruments.
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